There is an uncomfortable historical question hanging over this entire debate.
More than two centuries ago, Venezuelans fought against Spanish colonial rule for the right to determine their own political destiny.
Francisco de Miranda dreamed of independence before independence seemed possible.
Simón Bolívar dedicated much of his life to breaking Spanish colonial power across northern South America.
Antonio José de Sucre became one of the great military leaders of that struggle.
José Antonio Páez fought in the campaigns that helped secure Venezuelan independence.
They differed politically. They disagreed about government, institutions and the future of the new republics they helped create.
But the fundamental principle for which their generation fought was unmistakable:
Venezuela should determine Venezuela’s destiny.
Imagine those men looking at their country today.
Imagine Bolívar being told that Venezuela possesses one of the greatest petroleum reserves on Earth — and then being told that decisions potentially affecting tens of billions of barrels may have been negotiated without the Venezuelan people being able to examine the complete terms.
Imagine Miranda asking who authorized the agreement.
Imagine Sucre asking under whose Constitution it was approved.
Imagine Páez asking whether Venezuela negotiated as a sovereign republic or whether political leaders negotiated from a position of dependence.
They might be turning in their graves.
Not because Venezuela is doing business with the United States.
Independent nations do business with one another.
Not because American companies want Venezuelan petroleum.
International commerce is not colonialism.
And not because Washington pursues American interests.
Every government has a responsibility to defend the legitimate interests of its own citizens.
The problem would arise if Venezuelan officials subordinated Venezuela’s national interest to the political interests of a foreign power.
That would contradict the very concept of sovereignty for which generations of Venezuelans fought.
Venezuela Should Not Exchange One Dependency for Another
For years, Washington criticized Venezuela’s close relationships with Cuba, Russia, China and Iran.
American officials argued that Caracas had allowed foreign governments to acquire excessive influence over Venezuelan affairs.
Then the standard must remain the same when the foreign power is the United States.
Venezuela should not belong politically to Havana.
It should not belong to Moscow.
It should not belong to Beijing.
And it should not belong to Washington.
Venezuela belongs to Venezuelans.
The United States does not need servants in Caracas.
It needs neighbors.
It needs reliable commercial partners.
It needs governments capable of negotiating agreements and honoring lawful contracts.
And above all, if Washington truly supports democracy, it should want a Venezuelan government strong enough to tell the United States yes when cooperation benefits Venezuela — and no when it does not.
That is what sovereignty looks like.
The Oil Is Venezuelan
This principle must remain at the center of the petroleum agreement.
The oil beneath Venezuelan territory is not the personal property of whoever occupies Miraflores.
It is not Donald Trump’s property.
It is not Delcy Rodríguez’s property.
It does not belong to a political party.
And it certainly should not become the private patrimony of politically connected individuals on either side of the agreement.
Venezuela may grant licenses.
Venezuela may enter joint ventures.
Venezuela may welcome American investment.
Venezuela may sell enormous quantities of petroleum to American refineries.
Those decisions can potentially benefit both nations.
But they must be made lawfully, transparently and in Venezuela’s national interest.
If an independent investigation eventually establishes that any Venezuelan official exceeded constitutional authority, violated Venezuelan law, engaged in corruption or improperly disposed of public resources, that person should face Venezuelan justice with full due process.
The same standard should apply in Washington.
If American officials acted within their lawful authority, publish that authority.
If congressional authorization was required, Congress should exercise its constitutional role.
If public money or property has been committed, the American people deserve to know how.
Neither government should fear scrutiny if the agreement is legitimate.
Independence Must Mean Something
Bolívar and the independence generation did not fight Spain so that, two centuries later, Venezuela could simply choose another capital from which its destiny would be dictated.
That would reduce independence to changing masters.
The better future is something entirely different.
A sovereign Venezuela.
A democratic Venezuela.
A prosperous Venezuela.
A Venezuela capable of cooperating closely with the United States without becoming subordinate to it.
A Venezuela whose petroleum wealth serves its citizens.
A Venezuela whose leaders answer first to Venezuelan law.
And a Venezuela where no foreign government — friend or adversary — gets to decide what Venezuelans themselves have the sovereign right to decide.
Bolívar fought for independence from an empire. Venezuela should never have to surrender its independence to obtain an investment.
What Would Bolívar Say?
There is an uncomfortable historical question hanging over this entire debate.
More than two centuries ago, Venezuelans fought against Spanish colonial rule for the right to determine their own political destiny.
Francisco de Miranda dreamed of independence before independence seemed possible.
Simón Bolívar dedicated much of his life to breaking Spanish colonial power across northern South America.
Antonio José de Sucre became one of the great military leaders of that struggle.
José Antonio Páez fought in the campaigns that helped secure Venezuelan independence.
They differed politically. They disagreed about government, institutions and the future of the new republics they helped create.
But the fundamental principle for which their generation fought was unmistakable:
Venezuela should determine Venezuela’s destiny.
Imagine those men looking at their country today.
Imagine Bolívar being told that Venezuela possesses one of the greatest petroleum reserves on Earth — and then being told that decisions potentially affecting tens of billions of barrels may have been negotiated without the Venezuelan people being able to examine the complete terms.
Imagine Miranda asking who authorized the agreement.
Imagine Sucre asking under whose Constitution it was approved.
Imagine Páez asking whether Venezuela negotiated as a sovereign republic or whether political leaders negotiated from a position of dependence.
They might be turning in their graves.
Not because Venezuela is doing business with the United States.
Independent nations do business with one another.
Not because American companies want Venezuelan petroleum.
International commerce is not colonialism.
And not because Washington pursues American interests.
Every government has a responsibility to defend the legitimate interests of its own citizens.
The problem would arise if Venezuelan officials subordinated Venezuela’s national interest to the political interests of a foreign power.
That would contradict the very concept of sovereignty for which generations of Venezuelans fought.
Venezuela Should Not Exchange One Dependency for Another
For years, Washington criticized Venezuela’s close relationships with Cuba, Russia, China and Iran.
American officials argued that Caracas had allowed foreign governments to acquire excessive influence over Venezuelan affairs.
Then the standard must remain the same when the foreign power is the United States.
Venezuela should not belong politically to Havana.
It should not belong to Moscow.
It should not belong to Beijing.
And it should not belong to Washington.
Venezuela belongs to Venezuelans.
The United States does not need servants in Caracas.
It needs neighbors.
It needs reliable commercial partners.
It needs governments capable of negotiating agreements and honoring lawful contracts.
And above all, if Washington truly supports democracy, it should want a Venezuelan government strong enough to tell the United States yes when cooperation benefits Venezuela — and no when it does not.
That is what sovereignty looks like.
The Oil Is Venezuelan
This principle must remain at the center of the petroleum agreement.
The oil beneath Venezuelan territory is not the personal property of whoever occupies Miraflores.
It is not Donald Trump’s property.
It is not Delcy Rodríguez’s property.
It does not belong to a political party.
And it certainly should not become the private patrimony of politically connected individuals on either side of the agreement.
Venezuela may grant licenses.
Venezuela may enter joint ventures.
Venezuela may welcome American investment.
Venezuela may sell enormous quantities of petroleum to American refineries.
Those decisions can potentially benefit both nations.
But they must be made lawfully, transparently and in Venezuela’s national interest.
If an independent investigation eventually establishes that any Venezuelan official exceeded constitutional authority, violated Venezuelan law, engaged in corruption or improperly disposed of public resources, that person should face Venezuelan justice with full due process.
The same standard should apply in Washington.
If American officials acted within their lawful authority, publish that authority.
If congressional authorization was required, Congress should exercise its constitutional role.
If public money or property has been committed, the American people deserve to know how.
Neither government should fear scrutiny if the agreement is legitimate.
Independence Must Mean Something
Bolívar and the independence generation did not fight Spain so that, two centuries later, Venezuela could simply choose another capital from which its destiny would be dictated.
That would reduce independence to changing masters.
The better future is something entirely different.
A sovereign Venezuela.
A democratic Venezuela.
A prosperous Venezuela.
A Venezuela capable of cooperating closely with the United States without becoming subordinate to it.
A Venezuela whose petroleum wealth serves its citizens.
A Venezuela whose leaders answer first to Venezuelan law.
And a Venezuela where no foreign government — friend or adversary — gets to decide what Venezuelans themselves have the sovereign right to decide.
Bolívar fought for independence from an empire. Venezuela should never have to surrender its independence to obtain an investment.